Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen Ambassadors,
I must say that it’s a great pleasure for me to be here today and I would like to thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus for this great honor.
However, apart from the pleasure, I’d like to say that I also feel a special sense of familiarity. I don’t feel as if I’m addressing an audience from another country; I feel that I am addressing the wider Greek family.
So, it’s a real pleasure for me, mainly because I’m given the opportunity to recognize how arduous the work you are doing is.
You represent a country, a large part of which has been under enemy occupation for 48 years. This, I believe, is a global uniqueness.
And I feel compelled to reiterate what may seem obvious: the Cyprus issue remains our top national priority.
I am not shying away from another self-evident truth: that the Greek nation is a unified nation, a nation with all its components and therefore, with a National Centre.
And that is why the National Centre, Athens, unequivocally and without any discount endorses the solution within the agreed framework of the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions.
That is a solution that includes the definitive abolition of the anachronistic system of guarantees, and the withdrawal of the occupying troops within an agreed timetable, the return of the fenced-off city of Famagusta, Varosha, to its lawful inhabitants; what includes the internationally agreed framework of the United Nations.
And I have to say that Greece has never abdicated or can abdicate its responsibilities towards Cyprus.
It is sometimes heard as a whisper on the sidelines. Cyprus is far away. Let me state clearly that I do not share this perception at all.
In fact, the way the country, the Hellenic Republic, is rearming itself, allows me to say that on the ground the Hellenic Republic does not subscribe to this perception.
At this point, I must make a reference to our difficult neighbor. Το be honest, when I first assumed office as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Hellenic Republic, I believed that we could resolve our differences with Turkey.
However, contrary to our expectations, during this time the list of problems with Turkey has grown, rather than decreased.
I do not need to go into detail because you are all very well aware of them. But the climate is tenser than ever. And I must tell you that there is a significant difference compared to the other historical periods we had a crisis with Turkey: each time the crisis was brief and we were soon back to talking, at least at one level.
This is the first time we’ve had an almost three-year-long crisis with such limited room for dialogue.
How do we react? First of all, there’s a British expression that will be familiar to you, ‘keep calm and carry on’.
We are always open to dialogue on the basis of International Law. We address our international interlocutors; we build a deterrent power.
To a significant extent, together we have succeeded in achieving the greatest international understanding we have ever had.
However, the rise of revisionism as a phenomenon in world history has recently been reinforced by the dramatic developments in Ukraine.
We have taken a principled stance on these issues. We are emphasizing to the international community the importance of confronting any form of revisionism, but always in the same way, with the same clarity, with the same clear voice, with the same distinct perception.
Let me return to the wider global picture.
The Hellenic Republic, together with the Republic of Cyprus, is strengthening its relations with partners in the wider region, including Egypt and Israel. Needless to say, our relations with Egypt are at their finest in our shared history, as peoples living side by side in the wider region.
But, I also believe that, together with Cyprus, we read the broader architecture, and how things would unfold long before the Abraham Accords were created.
Furthermore, we developed relationships with the Gulf countries, such as the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia whose Crown Prince was in Athens yesterday. We signed important agreements with both the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.
Our relations with the Gulf countries are the best we have ever had.
But we do not stop there; we are looking further beyond. We are working to enable Greek diplomacy to reach further beyond.
First of all, I refer to the Indo-Pacific region, a region of particular interest to us. Very many countries in the region hold almost identical views to ours on the issues of the Law of the Sea, the UNCLOS.
In March I traveled to India following the Minister of External Affairs of India’s visit to Greece. In April I visited Japan; most Greeks, if you ask them, are unaware that Japan is a signatory to the Lausanne Treaty. So, apart from our almost identical positions on UNCLOS, we have another reason to talk to them.
I will be going to Vietnam and the next day to Cambodia, where we will sign an Agreement to be granted observer status in ASEAN, an organization that is of particular interest to us.
We have also developed a relationship with a number of other organizations, like the Community of Lusophone States for example, and we have also demonstrated unprecedented interest in Sub-Saharan Africa.
We’ve opened an Embassy in Senegal; I have visited Rwanda, Ghana, Gabon, Nigeria, and Angola. These countries are supporting us in our efforts to get elected to the Security Council. Kenya, Rwanda, and Gabon have reciprocated our visits. In the case of Rwanda and Gabon, this is the first time that my counterparts have visited Greece.
And, of course, together with the Republic of Cyprus, we have not abandoned our joint interest in Libya, where I will come back as soon as conditions permit. But we already have an activity running there. We are reconstructing the port of Benghazi and we are building a stadium in Tripoli for the internally displaced students who have formed a football team that plays in the Libyan Premier League while wearing the Greek flag on their uniforms.
We also follow developments in Syria, and regarding our vicinity, the Western Balkans, we are pleased with the convening of the first intergovernmental conference with Albania and North Macedonia.
The European perspective of the Western Balkans is a central issue for Hellenism. Allow me to put it simply: Albania has made the great strategic choice to become a member of Europe. It is therefore obvious that its course will deviate from the new Ottoman narrative.
Let me now turn to our relations with the United States. The relations between the Hellenic Republic and the United States of America are the best they have ever been in our history. You must certainly have watched Prime Minister, K. Mitsotakis, addressing Congress. It alludes to the depth of our relationship.
Alexandroupoli has acted as a catalyst.
We have also collaborated with the United States on the 3+1 Format. I’m referring to both the Republic of Cyprus and us. And, of course, with something extremely important, an ever-expanding agenda and the firm belief that the “3+1” will eventually become 4.
Regarding the European Union, I’d like to underline our relations with France, the Defence Agreement we signed, and our close cooperation, which will continue with the new Minister, whom I will be meeting tomorrow afternoon in Paris, following the German Minister’s visit to Athens.
We cannot, however, accept an “a la carte” approach to revisionism. There cannot be double standards.
Another feature that currently characterizes Greek diplomacy is our effort to engage in international organizations. Allow me to mention the three campaigns we are waging simultaneously within the framework of the United Nations.
The first one is for our election to the Security Council for the 2025-2026 term. We are very close to making it; we have secured nearly 110 pledges of support in writing. There’s a candidacy of ours for the Human Rights Council for the 2028-30 term. Greece has never been elected to the Human Rights Council; there’s also our candidacy for the Presidency of the General Assembly for 2035. I think it is important to achieve all three and to actively participate in the shaping of global policies.
In addition, we have taken a further initiative, in an area where Greek foreign policy has had no tradition so far, namely the environmental foreign policy. I am referring to the organization of the “Our Ocean Conference”, in consultation with the United States and Mr. Kerry, in 2024.
It is extremely interesting for the broader Greek narrative of our influence, the sea-related issues, and their regulations, that is, the UNCLOS and not only the territorial waters, exclusive economic zones, and the continental shelves, but also the high seas that belong to humanity.
We want to have a say and a role in these; we are the country with the largest commercial shipping fleet in the world.
We are trying to have multi-level planning, we are trying to move away from narrow models and not to be trapped either in a heteronomy towards Turkey or a restriction in our neighborhood, but rather to be able to see beyond the horizon, to read the signs of the times, and move within them.
Yesterday we organized a moving event at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the archive of the former Minister, Dimitrios Bitsios, who also played an important role in the Cyprus issue, was handed over to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Konstantinos Bitsios, his son, gave me the honor of presenting me with a book by his father that is no longer in print. The title of the book quotes an interesting phrase which, on searching, I found that it was said by Panagiotis Kanellopoulos. The phrase is ‘on the edge of times”.
Ladies and gentlemen, we are moving on the edge of times, we should read them correctly and then move appropriately, with speed, seriousness, and bravery, and with the recognition that we are a nation that is at least a thousand years old, that we have a geopolitical mission to defend our national existence and presence, and that we have enormous potential within the European family.
For the first time in human history, there is a single area of security, democracy, and protection of human rights, of which Hellenism is a member.
We believe that these values will prevail and considering that Hellenism is part of this historical perspective, we can, through recognizing our role and potential, be utterly optimistic about our future.
Thank you very much.