“The attempt to distort reality and our response”
The Russian invasion of Ukraine was a turning point in the European, and more broadly, in the international security architecture. It created a new reality on the ground. A reality that many in Europe thought they had left behind, along with the 20th century’s passions and wars.
It brought back to the forefront concepts such as the violation of territorial integrity, the breach on national sovereignty, and, of course, the respect for International Law, as well as for Humanitarian Law. It also brought with it other terms that we wish had been forgotten, such as the spheres of influence, revisionism, and the revival of empires.
Unfortunately, in Greece and Cyprus, we have been experiencing this new reality on a daily basis for decades now. We are witnessing this conduct in the Aegean, the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus, Iraq, Syria, Libya, the Balkans, and in the Caucasus.
We have recently witnessed an escalation, not only in words but also on the ground. That is why we are not surprised by these developments.
At the same time, we are witnessing a concerted and state-orchestrated effort to distort reality both in Greece and the rest of Europe.
An effort that uses propaganda, disinformation, and the spread of fake news as its means. In this regard, every possible means is employed to smear the image of the alleged adversary, to distort reality in such a scientific and organized manner that the line between myth and reality becomes indiscernible. The revisionist forces of the 21st century are applying Goebbels’ dictum by employing modern means: “If you tell a big lie often enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it”.
For these countries, “truth constitutes the greatest enemy of the state”. In the face of this deliberate attempt to create a new reality and distort the truth, Greece has the obligation to resist.
The major difference compared to the past is that we now have to be able to do so on our own: we have broadened our alliances and many people now recognize the threat that revisionism, wherever it stems from, poses to the international security system.
This is demonstrated by the massive response to the Russian invasion, including the imposition of sanctions, not only by the countries of the European Union and the United States but also by countries such as Japan, and, of course, by certain countries that are EU candidates, such as Albania and North Macedonia.
In the face of these aforementioned challenges, Greek foreign policy simultaneously acts upon three axes.
First, it takes a principled stance, a stance based on respect for International Law, particularly the International Law of the Sea.
And, of course, a principled stance when it comes to respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. We have maintained this stance since the beginning of the war in Ukraine. We have demonstrated concrete solidarity with Ukraine, with our partners in Central and Eastern Europe, and, more recently, with Sweden and Finland. Because we cannot but support what we ask of others. We cannot live in two realities: the one in which we actively contribute to international affairs, take positions and receive support and where there are also consequences; and then on the other side, the false reality, advocated by some, in which they have all the privileges without obligations.
Secondly, we may no longer be alone, but alliances and friendships are not established by waving a magic wand. We need to invest in them, make constant efforts to build them and then maintain them.
We have signed four defense agreements with the US, France, and the United Arab Emirates in less than three years.
At the same time, we agreed with three neighboring countries on the delimitation of our maritime zones in accordance with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, UNCLOS.
We have picked up the thread of relations with our European partners.
There had been no bilateral meetings with some countries for decades. We have formed strategic partnerships with the countries of the Middle East, the Gulf, and North Africa.
We have made openings to emerging global powers that share the same principles as we do, such as India and Japan.
And we have not forgotten the continent with the fastest economic and population growth.
Over the course of a few months, I visited seven countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
Thirdly, the only way to respond to “Goebbelian” practices is to bring out the truth, as well as deconstruct misinformation and fake news.
Greece leaves nothing unanswered.
We should deconstruct the unfounded and false accusations leveled against us, using arguments based on International Law.
We have the obligation not to allow the slightest doubt because the repetition of a lie causes it to become entrenched.
Greece, like all democratic countries, does not respond to propaganda using their own propaganda. Because what differentiates the democratic world from totalitarianism is the truth, the projection of reality as it is, not as some people try to make it.
The search for reality today is becoming increasingly difficult.
Forces seeking to revive the past, to turn back the clock of history, go to great lengths to hide it.
It is Greece’s and all states’ obligation not to allow regression but to create a vision for a better future.